Comments on: ON LIBERTY https://groundviews.org/2007/10/29/on-liberty/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=on-liberty Journalism for Citizens Tue, 30 Oct 2007 13:03:29 +0000 hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.4.1 By: Suren Raghavan https://groundviews.org/2007/10/29/on-liberty/#comment-234 Tue, 30 Oct 2007 13:03:29 +0000 http://www.groundviews.org/2007/10/29/on-liberty/#comment-234 Your observations are often extensive and locate in greater theoretical contexts. Well done. Because without commitment one cannot be connected to that land of unfructuosities.

Yet, do eloquences and observations alone (even if they are not wrong) alter state of affairs (or affairs of States). It seems we have produced an army of observers who are either by design or accident refuse to stand by any recommendability. Which again is exchanged for an ‘academic neutrality’ (if there is one such). Is it because, in the stand for a solution one could uncover the ideomotor of this ethnically (and in every other sense divided) landscape.

Is not simple logic that the DNA of the present terror politics of Thamil nationalism is embodied in the failed ethnodemocracy created by the majoritarian mindset of postcolonial south? Pirapapharan of Valvattithurai is the son of primary school principal Velluppilai master. But Pirapaharan of the LTTE which you say

(‘has demonstrated violent antipathy to dissent, political pluralism and the individual liberty and self-worth of members of the Tamil community without restraint, and is responsible for the emaciation of a generation of Sri Lankan politicians and intellectuals both Sinhala and Tamil. Moreover, the blatant racism that characterises the behaviour of the State works in favour of the LTTE’,)…

has his genealogy in the Sinhala-Buddhist hegemone institutionalized for the last 59 years or so.

Machiavelli, in my humble opinion, was wrong to maintain that it is better be feared than to be respected. Today the desolating politics of Lanka is that continued securitization is on mystifying and historicizing the ‘us’ and ‘other’, both interdependent and intertexual.

So how do we disassemble this paradigm? To me one who carries a non-Sinhala social identity (though anthropologically and biologically I am more of the south but have paid very dearly for that) the process is interactive and has to begin with the Sinhalese who have the political power to redesign the state. Because, if majoritarianism is an inherent privilege, then that privilege is not without some propaedeutic political responsibilities.

Also as a student I am keener to learn what makes a growing number of post graduate-middle class Sinhalese to believe and pursue a military solution that would annihilate the LTTE is more prudent than power sharing?

S

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