The map above identifies the main flood-affected regions, sites where relief and rescue operations have been conducted and specific DS divisions where IDP camps have been setup. Please click on the link below the map to view it on a larger screen. You may click on individual markers for detailed information and zoom in to view the location of specific shelter camps located in the east. 

Please note that this map is continuously updated as soon as the Editors of Groundviews receive detailed information and reports from the ground.

Between the 11th and the 18th of January, heavy rainfall led to severe floods and widespread destruction in several provinces across the island that affected over 1 million people. 43 people were killed and over 300,000 were displaced. The districts of Ampara, Trincomalee, Polonnaruwa, Batticaloa and Anuradhapura were severely affected in January and at present with heavy rainfall once again causing severe flooding, these districts have been the worst affected. The problem has been compounded by the fact that several tanks in Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa have been inundated and as a result the spill gates have been opened. This has exacerbated the flooding of surrounding villages. Several minor irrigation tanks have been breached as well according to the Daily Mirror,

During the previous floods in early January, 408 minor tanks, 308 anicuts and 760 irrigation canals were damaged.

Agrarian Services Director General Ravindra Hevavitarana told Daily Mirror that three more tanks had been breached this time in the Batticaloa District and another three in the Trincomalee District. Besides, Mr. Hevavitarana said that the water level had risen in at least 50 other minor tanks placing them at the risk of being breached.

“If the rainy weather continues, they will be damaged. The situation is serious,” he said.

Numerous IDP camps have been setup to provide temporary shelter and relief to over 80,000 IDPs.

The Daily Mirror notes the following in a news report:

The flood situation in the country reached dangerous levels with the number of affected families increasing by over 100,000 within hours, bringing the total of affected families to 230,000, causing six deaths, official (sic.) said.

The number affected stood at 100,000 late Thursday evening. Bad weather took its toll in 17 districts while it was reported that those affected were kept in 322 camps.

Spill gates were opened in all tanks in the Anurdhapura, Polonnaruwa, Batticaloa, Ampara, Vavuniya and Trincomalee Districts as almost all the tanks reached spill levels.

Director General Department of Irrigation G. G. Godaliyadha said that the Anurahapura and Polonnaruwa Districts posed the most danger as gushing waters of Nachchiduwa, Padaviya and Rajangana  and several other tanks inundated all low lands in Anuradhapura while many areas in Polonnaruwa was also submerged. Medirigriya area was also submerged as the gates of Kavudulla tanks were opened.

The Navy and Air Force have been deployed to deliver flood relief and conducted rescue operations. According to news reports on 4/2/2011, 20 people have been rescued so far by the Air Force. News reports that quote the DMC also indicate that six people have been killed.

Another Daily Mirror news report notes the extent of destruction to paddy lands in various districts:

Meanwhile, 125,000 acres of paddy land had been inundated in the Ampara District, 50,000 acres in Anuradhapura, 28,000 acres in Batticaloa, 16,000 in Polonnaruwa, 10,000 acres in Vavuniya, 7200 acres in Mullaitivu and 50,000 acres in Trincomalee.

Mr. Hevavitarana said paddy of some of these lands which were flooded last time, were salvaged after the water level subsided.

“They have again been flooded.  In the districts like Batticaloa and Ampara, some paddy lands which were not affected last time have been submerged this time,” he said.

Last time, altogether 200,000 paddy acres were totally destroyed.

The DMC have released their situation report for Friday (04/02/2011).

Please view the map and watch this space for further updates.

• UPDATE: Google Map on Flood-affected areas in Sri Lanka
• On Flooding and Disaster Management
• UPDATE: Situation report on flood-affected areas and a call for assistance
• The ‘Grease Devil’ Phenomena in Sri Lanka: A Brief Collation of Reports
• BATTICALOA CONSORTIUM OF HUMANITARIAN AGENCIES FACILITATING TO THE BATTICOLA IDPS

All elections are important and these will be no exception. It is worth reminding that we are still in a post-war situation and far from the post-conflict one we ought to be in. What this requires is the prioritization of peace, reconciliation and unity and the firm commitment to ensure that the causes of ethnic conflict are not reproduced and sustained.  This means at least the rights of the IDPs as the litmus test for all else, a political settlement of the conflict and a reversal of the culture of impunity in respect of human rights along with facing up to the questions of whether there can be unity without reconciliation and reconciliation without accountability.  This is not all.  There are serious questions to be considered on the economic front with regard to employment and indebtedness – the real consequences of the fate of GSP Plus and the IMF loan – and most importantly in light of recent demonstrations, the ability of the system of education to meet the requirements of the economy.  And given Angulana, what happened to Nipuna Ratnayake and the Bambalapitiya drowning, the overarching issues of the Rule of Law, the supremacy of Constitution and the intentional violation of the Seventeenth Amendment.

Constitutional reform, at least in terms of the abolition or reform of the executive presidency will be on the agenda, as a consequence not so much of the requirements of governance but the emerging imperatives of regime survival and stability.  There is the danger that on this score, what is in store is the abolition of the form and title of the executive presidency with the transfer of its substantive powers to an “executive prime minister”.   The electoral system too, could be up for debate with the virtues of the ‘first-past –the post’ system and constituency MPs being eulogized to discredit proportional representation.

There is a crying need for a national debate on the future of the country and the issues on which the next presidential and general elections are to be fought.  The challenges ahead are far too serious to treat these elections merely as opportunities to register electoral approval, appreciation, admiration and gratitude for the defeat of the LTTE.  There has to be a tomorrow and a time when the war is truly behind us.  We need a plan to move towards that time and in order to design one, as many of us as willing and able must be part of that process.  An agenda for change and reform is critically needed and it will not come from the politicians who are trapped in fighting yesterday’s battles.

The island wide debate, discussion or conversation on change and reform is a vital and integral part of this.  Where however, through or on what medium or channel or site can it be conducted?

The obvious answer is the mainstream print and electronic media.  For a variety of reasons, very real and crucial constraints ranging from official displeasure, threat and sanction to self censorship, ideological disposition, market demands and problems of professionalism, the robust exchange of ideas called for will not happen here and not beyond the efforts of a persistent few, as required.  Moreover, since it is an exchange of ideas – a discussion, debate or conversation- that is called for, many voices need to he heard.  This is not about letters to the editor, about comment and observation alone but about participation and engagement with passion and conviction about the Sri Lanka of the future, we desire and deserve.

Citizens’ journalism and given its record as a forum for quality debate, Groundviews is ideally positioned to make a major contribution to this exercise in national rejuvenation and renaissance.  Is it not possible in the lead up to the elections that citizens use Groundviews to canvass their ideas for constitutional reform, governance, human rights and the economy and whatever else they see as constituting essential elements of an agenda for change and reform? The exchange could, but need not be time bound. As in the nature of a conversation it should be ongoing and active.

This would be a convincing demonstration of the strength and value of citizens’ journalism and its substantial utility in empowerment for peace, governance and human rights – An enabling facility for a functioning democracy.

• Abolition or reform of Executive Presidency in Sri Lanka?
• In conversation with Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
• In conversation with Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
• 1,000 posts on Groundviews: Bearing witness, shaping peace
• Strange proposals and broken promises: Constitutional reform in Sri Lanka

The United People’s Freedom Party (UPFA) claimed its second consecutive provincial electoral victory on the 24^th of August by winning a clear majority of seats in the North Central and Sabaragamuwa Province.  This election was more competitive than the previous Eastern Provincial Council election,  where the government managed to get the Tamil and Muslim votes by  their crafty handling of Pillayan and Hisbulla.  Unlike in the Eastern province, the government contested in the North Central and Sabaragamuwa provinces with relatively unpopular politicians and more importantly on a platform where the opposition politicians too enjoyed almost equal access to votes. However, election results proved that the desperate United National Party, has once again failed to shake up  the electoral support of the ruling coalition despite introducing new celebrities for the chief ministerial  candidacy. The third party that secured a representation in these provincial councils, the JVP  is experiencing the bitter truth of politics; the government that they brought into power is now gunning them down mercilessly.  However, more than about the winners and losers this election has given us a glimpse into electoral politics: This election puzzled the political observers with its odd relationship between election violence and the high voter turn out. Further the results of the Provincial Councils reiterate the fact that Provincial Council elections do not provide a mechanism to hold regional policy makers accountable but rather reflect the support for the centre. Thirdly, this election results confirm that under the PR system there is  less opportunity for the smaller parties and independent groups even at the regional level. This election also highlighted the JVPs true electoral strength by denouncing the third force myth that had currency for sometime ever since the JVP’s 2004 electoral performance. Last but not  least, the outcome of this election sends a strong message to the government to change its track from Provincial Council elections to parliamentary elections.

 

Elections and citizen participation

A friend of mine once shared an interesting personal experience that he had had as a returning officer of a polling booth in a Colombo suburb.  He had found six people standing at the gate of the school where the polling booth was located two hours before the booth was opened.  My friend had asked them to leave the place and come back once the booth opened especially  since some of the officials were still not out of their beds at that time.  Interestingly, an angry old man from the crowd refused to leave the place, because he though that it was a ploy to break  his un broken record of casting the first vote in that village.  This signifies how, for some, voting is more of a ritual and civic responsibility than a democratic right and means of holding politicians accountable. Places like schools and temples where polling booths are usually located also may have contributed to the cultivation of this notion amongst the people.

In a representative democracy, elections provide a means through which citizens can choose their representatives to the office and more importantly it provides an opportunity to evaluate the performance of their representative. Therefore, regular elections are a good indication of strong democracies. However, it is doubtful that everyone who participates in an election has this objective in mind when casting their vote.  

 

Election violence and its outcome

In order to ensure the accountability of the Governors regular election are essential, but holding elections only would not suffice unless all parties are allowed to compete on an equal ground and the citizens are give an opportunity to make their choice with out fear.  Especially the ruling party who have unprecedented access to government resources that is usually misused for their own political advantage at election time. This is a common practice among all parties when they are holding office. Therefore, usually elections are not held on equal ground. It is in this context, that the role of independent election monitoring groups become vital. These monitors won’t be able to stop election malpractices completely but can contribute to minimizing violence by playing the role of the watchdog.

According to the press release from the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV), in the run-up to the election there had been 127 incident of election violence in NCP and 110 in Sabaragamuwa. On Election Day, violence had been less than anticipated and limited to 22 in NPC and 20 in Sabaragamuwa.  This sudden decline in violence and the relatively high voter turn out is widely being used to justify that the election has been free and fair. Can we take the election turn out as a strong indicator to claim that the election was free and fair?  The following table shows a comparison of  election related violence incidents reported by the CMEV and voter turn out at the Wayamba Provincial Council election in 1999 -considered to be the one of the most violent provincial council elections  - with the 23^rd August  2008 election.  According to the statistics we see that both the voter turn out and election violence is higher in the 1999 Wayamba election. This shows that the voter turn out is not linearly and exclusively correlated to the level of violence at the election, but is a more nuanced and complex scenario. Therefore, the present argument that the higher voter turn out observed  in the recent elections as an indication of free elections is miles away from the truth. 

 

One should not ignore the fact that violence does not necessarily mean  spontaneous and sporadic violence, they can also be systematically and carefully manipulated to disrupt only the electorate of the competitor. It is not something new to politicians as it is almost understood that whoever is in power always monopolizes the violence and realizes the importance of violence free elections when they have to sit in the opposition benches. 

 

Mandate for the Centre?

The second important factor highlighted in this election was that representatives were elected in the region to give a mandate to the centre. During the election campaign all the government ministers who took part in addressing election rallies clearly asked people to support the president’s war against the LTTE by voting for the UPFA. Even after wining the election the Chief Ministerial prospects and the President described their electoral victory as an approval of the government’s military campaign.

If this is how the  government wants people to vote at the Provincial Council elections, then there is a serious flaw on the government’s  understanding of devolution of power and its use of the 13th Amendment as a means to find a political solution to the ethnic conflict.

The Provincial Council system was introduced to provide greater control to the regions over matters relevant to the provinces. Therefore, people should find Provincial Councils closer than the central government and should be able to influence regional policies effectively. In this context the Provincial Council elections are a very important mechanism for the people of those regions, as it allows them to evaluate the performance of their regional and provincial leaders and exert pressure on them to demand greater accountability. Hence, this election should be seen as a greater tool  to build  the democratic process to counter the deficits of democracy such as corruption, wastage and other  such malpractices.  

However, I think the government is right in interpreting the results of the Provincial Council election as a mandate to the centre. Because, although the majority of the people in these two provinces have chosen the UPFA, they did not indicate the same support for the chief ministerial candidates of the government. Instead Janaka Perera and Ranjan Ramanayake, national celebrities from out side of the respective provinces, were given more preferential votes. What does this mean? This is a clear sign of the backward walk of the Provincial Council system.

Therefore, this is a clear sign that in the minds of the government the Provincial council will hardly be a stepping stone to greater devolution of political power. Instead it would most probably function as an intermediary  administrative layer with more institutional authority that merely decentralize the deficit of democracy, rather than decentralizing political power.  Therefore, this election once again vindicates that professor Vitharana ‘s APRC is something limited to a café that only caters to appease foreign concerns exclusively. Perhaps that may be the reason why K.M Narayan- the  Indian defense advisor – also felt that though the government is defeating the LTTE it is far from eliminating them.

 

Small parties and JVP

The third factor one can observe from the electoral outcome at this election is the plight of the small parties. The PR system was introduced on the premise that it would give more space for the smaller parties, especially the ones that represent the ethnic minorities to be elected to the policy making body.  However, this election’s results prove otherwise.  Over 90% of the votes in these two provinces are distributed between the UPFA and UNP.

Even though there were several small parties and independent groups taking part in this election, none managed to obtain at least 1% of the votes. This raises a serious concern over the electoral process.  Though political science theorists like Arend Lijphart argued that PR gives more opportunities for marginalized groups, due to other deficits of the PR system what we see today is that it has strengthened the national parties even at the regional level. Perhaps that is why people like Dietrrich Rueschemeyer argued in his essay on equality, that the actors with more wealth and cultural capital have disproportionate power to shape the citizen’s policy preference.   To campaign across the district of over half a million people you need a goldmine when compared to the resourses need to campaign in a small electorate that houses less than ten percent of the district. Therefore, there is hardly any chance for an independent and relatively less wealthy  candidate to promote  him /herself across an entire district.

In this context, this article would not be complete if it does not discuss the electoral performance of the JVP. This election must have been a bitter experience even more than they could have ever imagined possible. On the one hand, this must have added ‘more salt’ to their raw wounds than the Weerawansa  defection caused. On the other hand once again it proved that the JVP is far from being the third force in Sri Lankan politics. The following table highlights the JVP’s electoral performance at the local government and provincial council elections  where they contested alone.

Electoral achievement of JVP at the District level by contesting alone

 

According to the above table, it is clear that the JVP  voter base has always been 5% to 10%  and not more than that. However, the electoral outcome of the 2004 election where for the first time the JVP managed to win the 39 seats in the parliamentary election  gave an exaggerated calculation of it’s real electoral strength. In fact, not only the outsiders but also the JVP leaders themselves miscalculated their own strength as some even claimed that they are ready to be the second political force in the country. 

As a result of the electoral coalition and thanks to the preferential voting system, some district leaders even managed to score the highest popular votes in their respective districts in 2004 .  But during the 2006 election for Local Authorities and the 2008 Provincial Councils election, by contesting alone, the JVP could win only 6% of those districts. 

As a cardre based party the JVP hardly has any option other than to accept the reality and confine itself to pressure politics. Otherwise, as JNP suggested recently, the JVP need to strip its cardre based politics and attempt to transform itself into a mass based party by forming a greater coalition with larger political force. This means that the JVP will have to seek some electoral alliance either with the Rajapakse government by putting aside it differences or make a more drastic transition to form a coalition with its all-time enemy, the capitalist UNP.  However, it is highly unlike that the present leadership of the JVP will make that move.

Even though the reaction of the JVP is not clear, the JHU and the JNP, parties with a Sinhalese voter base won’t ever attempt to contest alone. The leaders of these parties will attempt to hold onto the ruling party while being critical of some of its policies. This will only assure the political career of some individuals in these small parties rather than the survival of the party itself.

 

Changing the Itinerary?

Not only for the small parties but also for the government, these elections provide valuable insight. This election hints of the potential danger for the UPFA in continuing these Provincial Council elections as a means of mobilizing the electorate for the general election.  The government called the elections of these two provinces solely on the assumption that they can be won comfortably. But the election outcome suggests that even after exploiting the public office and banking on the progress made on the war front  they could not showcase an exceptional performance in these two provinces. In the case  of contesting for Provincial Councils that are advantageous for the main opposition, UNP, would be dangerous for their future parliamentary election victory. Because, if the UNP wins an elections before the general election it will set a momentum for he UNP by disturbing the government’s wave of victories.  On the other hand, the government can not afford to go for Provincial Council elections campaigning solely on the basis of their war record indefinitely. Therefore, it is highly unlikely that the government will concentrate on its provincial election map in the future.  It is more likely that they would call for general election, when the forces arrive at Killinochchi’s doorsteps.   

• Provincial Council Elections 2008/2009: Nominations for and representation of women
• Brotherhood Bloodshed Again?
• Suggestion to the Select Committee on Electoral Reform
• The loud and clear message from the voter turnout and the voters in the North and East
• Provincial Election Campaign: Battling for the Centre?

The huge, busy conurbation of Anudharapura—once a sacred city—has become the major transit centre for military forces en route to and from the current war zones. The ancient archeologically important ruins for which Anudharapura is famous are dwarfed by the sprawling modern developments. An informal economy has grown up in which small traders sell the debris of militarism: single T56 bullets for 15 rupees each. Many young girls have come to the city to sell their favours to the military personnel. Guesthouses built for tourists who rarely come any more are now informal brothels. A trader approaches asking, “What do you want? Bullets? Weapons? Girls?” If you want a bullet, he takes one from his pocket. If you want a weapon, he guides you to a secret stash in this sacred city. If you want a girl, he directs you to the guesthouse. Three-wheeled taxis, Tri-shaws, fly around the city doing this business.

At Madawatchiya on the edge of the city, where the armed forces set off for the conflict area, I meet a trader who transports food and supplies into Vayvuniya. He is happy that the country has returned to war because he now carries far smaller quantities of goods than in peacetime and is making a much higher profit.

On my way from Anudharapura to Horowpatana, there is a big tank called Mahakanadarawera. As I sit by the tank watching the beautiful scenery; large green heavy-duty Tata trucks suddenly speed past full of proud soldiers with their guns at the ready. In the front seat next to the driver, his elbow resting on the windowsill, his orange robe fluttering in the wind, sits an equally noble Buddhist monk. The label on the front of the truck reads, Jathika Saviya (National Strength).

At a small tea stall beside the tank, I have a little chat with the owners. They too are very happy with the new war situation: lots of young villagers, girls as well as boys, have got good local jobs as Home Guards and no longer worry their parents by going off to Colombo looking for work. They are well paid; they have job security and social status as never before. So the youth are happy and their parents are happy that the war has brought this improvement in their lives. On the billboards along the roadside of this agricultural district, amongst the ads for fertilisers and weed killers, are others which encourage and praise our valiant troops.

In Horowpatana town, where there’s not even a petrol station, you see plenty of people walking around with Nokia N70 mobile phones. Small as it is, there is a lot of traffic in Horowpatana because the government is clearing the thick forest and building condominiums for the security forces. This construction of 3000 new houses in the town will bring new businesses, more money, perhaps a shopping mall; so all the locals are in a good mood, looking forward to richer times.

Beyond Horowpatana, there is a modest little temple by the side of the road. The Buddhist monk here spent the past several years working with the peace-building network run by Colombo NGOs. He is more interested now in searching for Buddhist archaeological sites between the Eastern and North Central provinces where, he says, Tamil and Muslim people have destroyed many of these ruins in order to establish their farms. But his main work is in response to a request from the government to persuade local army deserters to return to their old posts or to take new positions in the Home Guards. During the past 30 years of civil war, each village had an average of 30-40 deserters. It will be good to get them back into the army because they were well trained in the past, unlike the new Home Guards. Besides, when they left the army, these deserters took their weapons with them and have been using them in an unregulated manner since. This holy man is very happy to have these new responsibilities. He has also been asked to participate in the Peace and Democracy rallies in Colombo and to bring 40 people with him each time. Although these rallies are not called every month, so many local people have now joined the Home Guard they don’t have time for the five or six-hour journeys to and from Colombo. He is a bit worried about this.

At his temple I also meet a Montessori School teacher from Welioya. In her after-school time she is being trained in the use of weapons. She is pleased about this as she is earning more money than before and is treated with greater respect by her community. She tells her young girls seeking employment to join the Home Guard. They are very happy with this alternative as the only other jobs are in the Free Trade Zones where they are sarcastically referred to as ‘garment items’ and forced to supplement their meagre pay by working as prostitutes. As Home Guards—in their uniforms, carrying guns like the boys do—they get a good salary and a level of social dignity unimaginable before. A proper government job like this confers the highest possible status in their villages.

Along the roadside, the huge government-owned rice storage barns, where farmers have long delivered their harvest to be bought at controlled prices, have been converted into storage sites for military hardware. As a result, the farmers have to sell their rice to private companies or to individual buyers for the best price they can get. Nonetheless, they regard this as a temporary sacrifice for the bright future they expect once the war is won.

Also read:
Travels in a Militarised Society — 1

• Travels in a Militarised Society – 4
• Travels in a Militarised Society – 3
• Travels in a Militarised Society — 1
• Travels in a Militarised Society – 5
• Travels in a Militarised Society – 7 – Cultural Iconography: Odel Present and Past

The LTTE’s two-pronged attack on the Sri Lankan airbase, located at Saliyapura, in Anuradhapura, which is a north-central province of Sri Lanka, on Monday, October 22, 2007, and the air raid of the Sri Lankan air force on November 02, 2007, which killed six LTTEers, including the their political wing chief, have created panic among the Sri Lankans and anxiety among the global community. This mounting panic could push Sri Lanka intent on crushing the LTTE prowess and the LTTE in turn to to launch military operations aim at dividing the country into two nations within one island. The profile of the LTTE has risen, both militarily and politically, following the aerial and land attacks on the Sri Lankan airbase. The LTTE victory has put the Sri Lankan government into a grave political predicament for the Sri Lankan government, since Mahinda Rajapaksa coming to power, has not faced such a massive military defeat. But, in swift retaliation, the Sri Lankan air force bombers targetted the “always smiling face” LTTE political wing leader S. P.Thamilselvan. Thamilselvan was regarded as a moderate political activist of the LTTE, and he is seen as a skilled diplomat by international leaders who met with him during interludes of peace talks.

The international community has sensed that the struggle in Sri Lanka cannot end unless both parties in the conflict enter into genuine peace talks. The LTTE, for its part, declared that, although it is ready to engage in peace talks, the Sri Lankan government should first advance a political solution for the LTTE to consider and immediately address the grievances of the Tamils; it is only under these conditions that the LTTE feel they can enter into peace talks as an equal partner and reach mutual understanding with members of the Sri Lankan government. The Sri Lankan government, for its part, blames the LTTE for insisting that there be conditions before it enters any peace talks.

In the aftermath of the Anuradhapura airbase bombings, peace-loving people around the world do not want to see the island subjected to war again. War will further devastate the country economically. The burdens of war will disastrously impact on the ordinary citizens of the country, citizens who are already sick and tired of intermittent war. The Sinhala people, however, have not yet been alerted to the consequences of another war on the island for they do not seem to take the issue seriously; instead, they are being hoodwinked by politicians who are out for gain. In addition, extremists on both sides want to preserve their legacies, whether the myths they have created are true or not. Many innocents accept the myths propagated by the extremists, even though the latter provide no clear evidence of the validity of those myths.

The story of Anuradhapura is important to be discussed in this paper because Anuradhapura was one of the ancient capitals of Sri Lanka and is a sacred Buddhist place for the majority of the Sinhala population. Sinhala anthropologists and historians claim that this city is a centre of one of the oldest civilizations in Asia if not the world. It is located about 200 kilometres north of Sri Lanka’s present capital, Colombo, and it is recognized, by UNESCO, as a world heritage site. According to the Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, a Pali work of the sixth century A. D(translated by Wilhelm Geiger), the city was controlled by the Tamil king Ellalan, with the support of the Chola Empire of southern India. The Tamil monarch Ellalan, also known as Elara, reigned for 44 years, nearly 2000 years ago, but was defeated by the Sinhala Prince Gamini Abhaya, known as Dutugemunu, from Ruhunu in the deep south of Sri Lanka. The importance of Anuradhapura and Ellalan is further highlighted by the fact that LTTE supremo Velupillai Pirapaharan gave the military code name “Operation Ellalan” to the attack on the Anuradhapura airbase, in order to show the world that Tamil heritage remains active on the island and that the direct threat to Anuradhapura will extend to other areas unless the Sinhala government in Colombo grants autonomy to the two Tamil provinces, which lie in northern and eastern Sri Lanka.

The LTTE leader directed his most trusted man to arrange for the provision of military training to selected members of the Black Tigers. Besides regiments, the Tamil Tigers have three armed forces – Land, Sea and Air; their members are known as the Black Tigers. The latter wear vests filled with explosives, drive vehicles filled with explosives, and navigate boats filled with explosives. The Black Tigers embrace death on or before the completion of their missions, as a way of protecting the secrecy of the LTTE. Proper training was essential for the success of the attack on the airbase because the base is in the heart of Sinhala area. The special training required a map and good topographical knowledge of Sri Lanka, especially Anuradhapura and its surroundings, because the airbase alone is about 3 kilometers in length and 2 kilometres in width. The well-trained Black Tigers knew exactly when to strike; they reached the airbase on October 22 , well before 3:20 a.m., when the Sri Lankan armed personnel were deep in sleep, following a day of eventful activities, which saw the participation of over 100,000 spectators.

The LTTE leader marked the date and the object of the mission. Just before 11:59 p.m., on Sunday, he called together all the commanders of the LTTE. During this meeting, he told them he was going to show the ancient Tamil monarch Ellalan a successful military operation conducted by 21 Black Tigers, with the support of the LTTE’s Tamil Eelam Air Force. The LTTE leader had not disclosed the attack details; even the families and relatives of the 21 Black Tigers were uninformed until the mission was completed, at about 11 a.m., on Monday. The overall military operation commander was Illango, who headed a 7-member team, while the second-in-command was Veeman, who led a 14-member team. Both teams broke into smaller groups for the purpose of executing specific duties. Commander Ilango asked for permission, from the LTTE leadership in Vanni, to begin the operation at 3:20 a.m. The LTTE leader gave the order to begin the operation. Utmost importance was given to mopping up the four sentry points and two guard posts. This was done quickly. Soon thereafter, the radar surveillance unit was seized and neutralized. The communications room was also knocked out. The other objective of the LTTE was to seize control of the air defence system and artillery units. Two 40 mm and two 23mm artillery guns were seized. The 12.7 m anti-aircraft guns were also taken. Within 20 minutes, the artillery and anti-aircraft guns, the radar, the communications and guard posts, and the sentry points had all been taken over by the Black Tigers.

Two LTTE factions began to move into the hangars and destroy the helicopters, fixed wing aircraft, and UAV drones. More than eight aircraft were left in ashes. Another nine were damaged, some irreparably. Ten other aircraft were partially damaged, but are still in working condition. The LTTE in Vanni closely monitored developments during the attack because it had communication until 9.a.m. The LTTE sent more than two aircraft to support the Black Tigers on the ground. The main aim of the LTTE aircraft was to ward off any incoming Sri Lankan armed forces, whose aim was to save the aircraft. LTTE aircraft dropped two bombs each and flew back to home base safely. Interestingly, the Sri Lankan Vavuniya commander, Maj. Gen. Upali Edirisinghe, sent two Bell 212 helicopters to intercept the LTTE aircraft, but one of the helicopters crashed at Doramadalawa, about 10 kilometres from the Anuradhapura airbase. LTTE aircraft intercepted the Sri Lankan helicopters, shot one down, and caused the other helicopter to turn back.

Until Monday evening, the Sri Lankan military spokesman played down the attack, stating that the LTTE was exaggerating its success. After fierce opposition from the opposing political parties, however, the Sri Lankan prime minister admitted that eight of their aircraft were damaged and fourteen of their airmen had died. He added that the defence ministry had to play down the damage in order to keep up the morale of the armed forces. The London Telegraph reported $40 million U.S. were lost through the destruction of the eight aircraft alone. The opposing political parties, including the UNP, however, admitted the damage inflicted on the aircraft was much greater and that the LTTE destroyed eighteen aircraft, valued at $439 million U.S.

Twenty-one Black Tigers, of which three were females, died on the ground, but the last Black Tiger was still alive at well past 11 a.m. on Monday. In effect, the Black Tigers were on the enemy’s base for about eight hours, fighting the enemy and causing great damage to the base. The Sri Lankan armed forces collected the remains of twenty Black Tigers; the other one could not be collected. These were put in tractors– naked, and showcased for public viewing. The locals took pictures of the naked, dead bodies. The bodies were finally taken to the Anuradhapura hospital mortuary before they were buried in Anuradhapura, the next night, which was Tuesday.

The Tamil Tigers have blamed the Sri Lankan government for violating the U.N. Geneva convention by removing the clothes of the dead and exhibiting the bodies to the public. The Anuradhapura Bishop came forward in support of the LTTE because the issue was of great humanitarian concern in the sacred Buddhist city. The Sri Lankan government faced diplomatic pressure for this wrong-doing because it handed over the bodies, through the ICRC, to the LTTE, as is the practice between conflicting parties during war.

In any event, Sri Lanka faced great defeat military, politically, and diplomatically. The retired Indian cabinet secretary, B. Raman, who, when hitherto writing about the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis, had always supported the Sri Lankan government and opposed the LTTE, now was in praise of the LTTE attack: “It was an act of unbelievable determination, bravery, and precision, successfully carried out by a 21-member suicide commando group of the Black Tigers—significantly led by a Tamil from the Eastern Province— with the back-up support of two planes of the so-called Tamil Eelam Air Force.”

Since the attack on the airbase, the Sri Lankan government has received enormous support from other countries, including Russia, the Czech Republic, Israel, Pakistan, and China. These countries have promised to send more sophisticated weapons and modern combat planes. However, the Sri Lankan cabinet ministers, prime minister, the president, and defence attachments speak in favour of war against the LTTE, in order to regain the support lost after the attack on Anuradhapura airbase.

Before the attack on Anuradhapura airbase, the LTTE had used various tactics to avoid engaging in conventional warfare with the Sri Lankan armed forces, when the latter took control of some areas controlled by the LTTE in eastern Sri Lanka and south of Mannar. But, people who knew the mind of the LTTE leader knew the Tigers were simply crouching, in order to leap forward later.

The LTTE supremo became numb when he heard of the death of his senior political man and chief peace negotiator with the Sri Lankan government. Thamilselvan was one of six siblings. His elder brother is a member of the LTTE. One brother lives in Norway. Two brothers, one sister, and his mother now live in Canada. He was married to an LTTE female cadre, and they have two children, who live in Vanni. He joined the LTTE in 1984 at the age of seventeen, and acquired his military training in a camp operated by the LTTE in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Thereafter, whenever he stayed in India, he worked closely with leader V. Pirapaharan. Thamilselvan was one of a number of LTTE cadres who had gone to Eelam to research background realities. Then, Thamilselvan and other senior LTTEers accompanied LTTE supremo Pirapaharan to Tamil Eelam to fight the enemy on the ground. Since then, he served in a military cadre of the LTTE, until he got injured. Thereafter, in 1993, he was groomed by the LTTE leader to be the political wing head, since the LTTE did not have a high-profile person to take the position after Col. Thileepan died in 1987 after twelve days of ‘fasting-to-death’ while demanding the Indian government fulfill the demands of the Tamils. Thamilselvan played an important role, under Chandrika Kumaratunga, Ranil Wickremesinghe, and Mahinda Rajapaksa, during peace talks with the Sri Lankan governments.

It is unfortunate that the Sri Lankan government targeted a champion of peace a man who believed that peace was a real possibility and a man of hope. While the weeping relatives and supporters of Thamilselvan cried loudly, Pirapaharan, who was present to pay tribute to the dead, did not speak a word, but, rather, put his face down and personally embraced his dead colleague. The LTTE leader is seen as a frustrated and angry man. Mourners speculated that the LTTE supremo is grief-stricken. It is not clear why the Sri Lankan government targeted a man who was in his residence, located just four hundred metres away from the Kilinochchi hospital. It is a known fact that the Sri Lankan government is in possession of the latest bombs used to kill enemies through the pressure of bombardment. Five others were killed in the bombardment; Lt. Col. Anpumani (Alex), Major Mikuthan, Major Kalaiyarasan, Lt. Aadchievael, and Lt. Maavaikkumaran were also killed in the attack. The LTTE leader, some hours after Thamilselvan was killed, conferred the organization’s highest rank, Brigadier, to Thamilselvan and announced the appointment of P. Nadesan, the current police chief of Tamil Eelam Police Department. Nadesan once served in Sri Lanka’s police department, is married to a Sinhala woman, and is fluent in both Tamil and Sinhala. Pirapaharan also has called on the commanders to discuss further actions in the Tamil homeland and beyond. The details, however, have not been revealed. If the Sri Lankan government thinks it can wipe out the LTTE by killing people like Thamilselvan, it is grievously mistaken.

In an instant reaction to the Sri Lankan government’s raid, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Sri Lankan Defence Secretary and one of the important policymakers of the government, hailed the air raid and said his government would also kill other LTTE leaders ‘one by one’. He expressed his joy at a celebratory meeting at Temple Trees, the official residence of his brother President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Reuters quoted Gotabaya as saying: “This is just a message that we know where their leaders are, and I know the locations of all the leaders, that if we want, we can take them one by one, so they must change their hideouts”. In addition, security has been beefed up in the Sinhala areas, especially the capital city of Sri Lanka; the government fears that the LTTE suicide cadres will take retaliatory action by killing Sri Lankan leaders in Colombo.

As never before in the history of the Tamil Eelam struggle and not since the 1991 killing of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi have Indian Tamil leaders so wholeheartedly come forth to condemn the Sri Lankan government and support the LTTE. They have expressed their deepest grief on the death of Tamilchelvan and the five others. The chief minister of the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, Muthuvel Karunandhi, in a strongly-worded, passionate, and poetical sentiment, wrote a poem, narrated by Karunanidhi and released by the state government. In it, Karunandhi described Thamilchelvan as ‘a general’ who had a ‘heart that would render the opposition to ashes’. Written as if Karunanidhi was addressing Thamilchelvan directly, Karunanidhi stated that by dying ‘(you) turned yourself into fertiliser, for the sake of the struggle for (Tamil) rights’. He further added: “The ‘Utham Purush’ that you are, Your life is not extinguishable nor would you let your brethren die; Selva, you have carved a place for yourself in every Tamil habitat and heart; Where have you gone?”

The rising supportive sentiments expressed by the Indian Tamil leaders are considered a great boost for the Tamil struggle at this time because Sri Lankan government representatives pay frequent visits to India in order to garner the military support of India for the purpose of wiping out the Tamil struggle. Now, circumstances have changed, since the central government in New Delhi is led by the Indian Congress Party and its senior leader, Dr. Manmohan Singh, who needs the support of regional political parties, including a coalition in which Karunanidhi’s DMK is a major partner. If Karunanidhi withdraws support from Singh’s government, the government in New Delhi will collapse. As a result, the central government will listen to what Karunanidhi has to say regarding the conflict between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government. Karunanidhi and members of other southern Indian political parties, who are supportive and now have come forth with the sentiment that no-one should think the Tamils in Eelam can be wiped out militarily because there are over 70 million Tamils in India, will not see their brethren in Eelam defeated. In effect, the killing of Thamilselvan has not pushed the LTTE or their struggle for freedom downslide; rather, it has led to an uprising and an awakening in the world arena, especially in the minds of the Tamils around the world.

Others around the world have expressed their support for the Tamils. A Canadian parliamentarian elected in Scarborough-Agincourt, Jim Karygiannis, issued a statement immediately after Thamilselvan and the five others were killed. He said: “I would like to express my distress at the news of the death of Mr. S.P. Thamilselvan, the political leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), on November 2, 2007. I wish to extend my sympathies to the family of Mr. Thamilselvan and to the Canadian Tamil community. My thoughts and prayers are with you. In January 2005, following the Tsunami, I visited Sri Lanka and had the opportunity to meet with Mr. Thamilselvan. He expressed thanks to Canadians for their magnanimous generosity in a time of great need. He said there ‘is a thread of hope’ for building mutual trust in the nation, as Singhalese and Tamils work together in rescue and relief efforts. Mr. Thamilselvan devoted more than a decade for the pursuit of peace, with justice, to bring an end to the protracted civil war in Sri Lanka. During this time, he was a member of the Tamil Tiger’s negotiating team that held direct peace talks with the Sri Lankan Government, sat at the negotiation table during Norwegian-brokered peace talks, and, as recently as last year, represented the LTTE at talks in Geneva. During my meeting with Mr. Thamilselvan, he told me that, since Canada had provided asylum to Sri Lankan immigrants, he believed Canada should play a more significant and permanent role in the peace process in Sri Lanka.”

Many other foreign dignitaries, who had had face-to-face meetings with Thamilselvan, also expressed their sorrow. One said that, at the age of 40, an ‘always-smiling face’ has left everyone, including his friends and loved ones.

Now, things have totally changed. The expectations of the international community for genuine peace talks might have come to an end. It is obvious that the LTTE wanted to have equilibrium, politically and militarily, with the Sri Lankan government. That is why the LTTE had to be successful in its raid on Anuradhapura airbase. But, the action of the Sri Lankan government, by targeting moderates, has put the peace process into chaos and pushed both parties towards a military solution. If Sri Lanka enters into genuine peace talks with the LTTE, hope will return. If Sri Lanka descends into war, there will definitely be enormous numbers of casualties among innocent civilians. The Sri Lankan government must also remember, before launching more attacks in the guise of fighting terrorism, that such attacks will divide the country permanently, because the LTTE has once again proven it does not have less power than its counterpart and it does have people to take over the posts vacated by LTTE members who have been killed. LTTE cadres are not joining for a wage; they are motivated by their desire for Tamil liberation. Sri Lankan leaders should not continue to commit the same blunders as previous leaders because the country is declining economically. Future wars will benefit only arms dealers and extremists and will not bring prosperity to the Sinhalese or Tamil-speaking Hindus, Muslims, or Christians.

Time is ticking for Sri Lanka. It is time for the Sri Lankan government to act quickly to send its condolences for the killing of the LTTE cadres and to embark on acts of goodwill. It is important to do this before November 27, 2007, Heroes Day, when the LTTE leader goes before the public and relays his verdict on the matter.

(The author can be reached at e-mail: satheesan_kumaaran@yahoo.com)

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The Wamanan case and the shutting down of the ABC network constituted further assaults on media freedom. The former is an example of crude and shoddy intimidation in response to the exposure of corruption and the latter, one of over reaction prompted by embedded hostility towards media freedom. On another fornt, the provisions of the Draft Appropriations Bill strike at the very foundation of parliamentary democracy – parliamentary sovereignty over finances. The whole procedure for supplementary estimates could be undermined by a proposed statutory provision allowing the secretary to the treasury to spend additional funds deemed to have been approved by parliament, even though no such process will have been availed of.

The reported exchanges between Minister Hakeem and the president over the Public Accounts Committee and the Inland Revenue chief’s alleged involvement in the VAT scam further compound concerns regarding governance. This is reminiscent of what was reported earlier in COPE with regard to the accounts of the Mahaweli Ministry. Furthermore, the appointment of cabinet ministers to head parliamentary committees on dealings with the LTTE and the MIG 27 deal, indicate that hallowed traditions and conventions of parliamentary democracy whereby committees of this nature are headed by the opposition, are being blatantly disregarded. The prevailing orthodoxy seems to be that there is a war going on and all that matters is its prosecution without the encumbrance of considerations of democratic governance.

As in the case of the Seventeenth Amendment, what is especially worrying here is that it is only a handful of civil society actors who are concerned. Tragically, the vast majority of the people’ s representatives in parliament are either blissfully unaware of this and its implications and/or simply do not care. When it came to PTOMS or the ISGA, shrill defences of parliamentary sovereignty over finances rent the air. Corruption, mismanagement and executive convenience it seems, are different matters all together. We will fight this war by hook or by crook, it seems, and in the process we will destroy lives, livelihoods and the fundamentals of democratic governance. Will the legislature take itself seriously and act in its own defence, before serious damage to democratic governance is institutionalized ? Or is it the case that too many legislators are obsessed with perks and positions and pensions above all else ?

Parliamentary sovereignty over finances is a pillar of parliamentary democracy. Developed through the ages and forged through celebrated historic struggles as far back as the Magna Carta and centuries later, the Boston Tea Party, it constitutes a basic and fundamental check on the executive by the legislature and is an essential component of the notion of the separation of powers as propounded by Montesquieu. Oversight and control over the peoples’ money is entrusted to their elected representatives; it is not to be spent arbitrarily by the executive sans accountability of any sort. Were the proposed provisions to pass into law, blanket powers will be granted to the executive to spend at will and mismanage with impunity. It is not inconceivable that the major proportion of government expenditure could be of this nature into the future.

A corollary of this vital parliamentary function is a strong and vibrant committee system, both fearless and diligent in the performance of its duties. Strengthening, reform and revitalization of this system is absolutely necessary if corruption and mismanagement are to be addressed in earnest. Modern parliaments are characterized by the dynamism and vitality of their committees. There is no reason as to why we should be an exception after so many decades of ostensible parliamentary democracy.

In our current context, as far as public finances are concerned, we have been fortunate to have had an Auditor General Mr Mayadunne and Chairperson of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) Mr Wijedasa Rajapakse, who have embodied the sprit of public scrutiny and accountability as well as legislative oversight. Interestingly, Mr Rajapakse is not an opposition MP and his chairpersonship of COPE is a departure from the tradition referred to above. It is worth noting though that Mr Rajapakse is one of literally a handful of government legislators who does not enjoy a ministerial portfolio of any sort and in this respect, may be said to be located outside the charmed circle of the current regime. There are great expectations in respect of the forthcoming report of the Public Accounts Committee from the perspective of parliamentary democracy and governance.

In the reassertion of parliament’s role in governance the opposition has a pivotal role to play and it is indeed a moot point as to whether this is the case today. The opposition may well be consumed by its desire to defeat the government on the budget and force a general election which it hopes to win. One hopes too that in doing so it will integrate the basic principles of democratic governance and parliamentary democracy into its bid for power, so that whatever the outcome, the fundamentals of governance, its traditions, processes and practices will be restored.

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අැමිෙනස්ටිඅායතනෙය් ෙමම කුියා කලාපය පිළිබද ශුි ලංකානු රජය තම විෙරා්ධතාවය පුකාශ කල අතර, ශුි ලංකාෙවි කුිකටි ෙලා්ලින් අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනයට විෙරා්ධතාවය පුකාශ කරමින් පසුගිය 12 ෙවනිදා ෙකාළඹ – ෙකාටුව දුමිරියෙපාළ ඉදිරිපිටදි විෙරා්ධතාවයක්ද දියත් කරන ලදි.
ෙමම විෙරා්ධතාවය ඉදිරිෙය් අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනෙය් සැලසුම අාරමිභවු තැනම ෙලාප් වුනු බව මාෙග් අදහසයි.ෙමම තත්වය හමුෙවි අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනය විසින් පසුගිය 13 ෙවනිදා පුකාශ කර සිටිෙය් “තමන්ෙග් විෙරා්ධතාවය ශුි ලංකානු කුිකටි කණ්ඩායමට විරැද්ධව ෙනාවන බවත් , එම විෙරා්ධතාවය පවත්වනු ලැබුෙවි ශුි ලංකාෙවි බිදවැටි තිෙබන මානව හිමිකමි සුරැකිම සමිබන්ධෙයන් බවයි. එෙමන්ම ශුි ලංකානු රජය තම විෙරා්ධතාවයන් සමිබන්ධෙයන් ශුි ලංකානු වැසියන්ට කරැණු ෙවනස් කර අැති බව ” ඔවුන් සදහන් කල නිෙවිදනෙය් සදහන් ෙකාට තිබිනි.
ෙකෙස් ෙවතත් අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනය කාෙග් ෙහා් අතෙකාලුවක් බවට පත්ව අැති බව මාෙග් මතයයි.ශුි ලංකාෙවි මානව හිමිකමි කඩවිම සමිබන්ධෙයන් විෙරා්ධතාවය පුකාශ කිරිමට ෙලා්ක කුසලාන තරග මාලාව පැවැත්ෙවන බටහිර ඉන්දිය ෙකාෙදවි දුපත් ම ෙමි සදහා ෙතාරා ගනු ලැබුෙවි මන්ද?එයත් ශුි ලංකාව සහභාගි වු තරගයක් පැවැත්ෙවන තරග පිටිය ඉදිරියට වි ඔවුන් රැෙගන ගිය ෙමම විෙරා්ධතාවය සදහා ඔවුන් ජනතාව අතර ප්ලාස්ටික් කුිකටි පන්දු මත අත්සන් ගනු ලැබුෙවි මන්ද?ෙමි අකාරයට ගත් කල අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනෙය් අභිපාුයන් පිළිබද පැහැදිලි කරැණු ෙගානු කර ගැනිම අපහසු ෙනාවන බව මාෙග් මතයයි.ෙමාවුන්ෙග් මුලික අභිපාුය වුෙය් ශුි ලංකානු කණ්ඩායමට විරැද්ධව වෙරා්ධතාවයක් අැති කිරිමත් , එමගින් ශුි ලංකානු කණ්ඩායෙමි මානසිකත්වය බිදවැටිටවිමත්ය.නමුත් අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනය පවසන අාකාරයට ශුි ලංකානු රජය කරැණු ෙවනස් කිරිමක් සිදුෙනාකල අතර, ශුි ලංකානු පුරවැසියන් අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනය සිතනා අකාරයට ශුිු ලංකානු පුරවැසියන් ෙමා්ඩයින්ද ෙනාවන බව අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනයට එ්ත්තු ගැන්විමට අවශය සියලුම කටයුතු කිරිමට ශුි ලංකානු පුරවැසියන් පසුබට ෙනාවු බව නිසා අැමිෙනස්ටි
අායතනෙය් පළමු පියවර පුස්ෙවඩිල්ලක් බවට පත්විය.
පසුගිය 18 ෙවනිදා ශුි ලංකාව – ඔස්ෙටුිලියාව සමග පැවැති තරගය අප කවිරැත් බලාෙපාෙරාත්තු සහගතව බලා සිටියත් අවසන් ෙමාෙහාෙත්දි කණ්ඩායමි කළමණාකාරිත්වය විසින් ගනු ලැබු තිරණයක් මත ශුි ළජකානු පිෙල් පුබලම පන්දු යවන්නන් ෙදෙදනා වන චමින්ද වාස් සහ මුත්තයියා මුරලිදරන් ෙනාවන බව දන්වන ලදි.ෙමම තිරණය පුකාශවිමත් සමග සමස්ත ශුි ලංකානු කුිඩා ෙලාලින්ට පමනක් ෙනාව ෙදස්-විෙදස් මාධයෙවදින්ට පවා ෙමය අදහාගත ෙනාහැකි පුවතක් විය.ලියුමිකරැ වශෙයන් මාහටද ෙමය අදහාගත ෙනාහැකි පුවතක් වු අතර ,ෙමම තිරණය සමිබන්ධෙයන් නිසි ෙහ්තු ෙසායා බැලිමක් කරනවා හැෙරන්නට එ් ගැන වාද විවාද කිරිමට ෙහ්තුවක් ෙනාවන බව මාෙග් මතයයි.
අවසානෙය්දි දැන ගන්නට ලැබුෙන් වාස් සහ මුරලි ෙග් ශාරිරික අබාධයන් නිසා ෙමෙස් විෙවික ගැන්වු බවයි.නමුත්කුිකටි ෙත්රිමි කමිටු සභාපති අසන්ත ද මැල් මහතා එ්.එෆ්.පි.පුවත් අායතනයට පුකාශ කර සිටිෙය් ඔස්ෙටුිලියානුවන්ට මානසික පිඩනයක් එල්ල කිරිම සදහා ෙමම පියවර ගත් බවයි.ඔවුන්ෙග් සැලැස්ම වි තිබුෙන් ෙමම පන්දු යවන්නන්ට මුහුණදි යමි ෙපරහුරැවක් ලබා ගැනිමට වුවත්,ෙමෙලස ගනු ලැබු තිරණය නිසා ඔවුන්ෙග් එම අභිපාුය වැලැක්වි ගිය බවයි.
ෙමම සිද්ධිය සමිබන්ධෙයන් කුිකටි කවුන්සිලය විසින පරික්ෂණයක් පැවැත්විය යුතු බව ඔස්ෙටිුලියානු හිටපු කුිකටි කුිඩක ඉයන් චැපල් විසින් තරගය අවසානෙය්දි ෙදස්-විෙදස් මාධයන් හමුෙවි පුකාශ කර සිටින ලදි.එම පුකාශය අනුමත කරන ලද හිටපු ශුි ලංකානු ෙටස්ටි කුිකටි නායකෙයකු ගැනද වාර්ථා පල විය.අැත්ත වශෙයන්ම ශුි ලංකානු මණ්ඩායෙමි කුිඩකයින් ෙත්රිම සමිබන්ධෙයන් කුිකටි කවුන්සිලයට පුශ්න කිරිමට තබා එ් ගැන පරික්ෂණ පැවැත්විමට නිතිමය ඉඩකඩක් ෙනාමැති අතර,ඉයන් චැපල්ටද ෙමි සදහා අැගිලි ගැසිමට අයිතියක් ෙනාමැත.ඉයන් චැපල්ෙග් ඉල්ලිම පිලිෙගන කුිකටි කවුන්සිලය ෙමි පිළිබද පරික්ෂණයක් අාරමිභ කිරිමට උත්සුක වුවෙහාත් කුිකටි කවුන්සිලයට සැම දිනකම පරික්ෂණ පවත්වනවා හැෙරන්නට ෙවනත් ෙදයක් කිරිමට කාලය ෙනාමැති ෙවනවා ෙනාඅනුමානය.එෙමන්ම ඔස්ෙටුිලියානු
ජාතික කුිඩකයින් වන ෙෂ්න් ෙවාන් සහ මාක් ෙවා් මුදලට තරග ෙතාරතුරැ ලබාදිම ගැන ෙහලිදරවි වු ෙමාෙහාෙත්දි ඔස්ෙටුිලියානු කුිකටි පාලක මණ්ඩලය ගනු ලැබු පියවර කුමක්ද?යන්න ශුි ලංකා කුිකට පාලක මණ්ඩලෙය් මාධය පුකාශක සමන්ත අල්ගම මහතා ඉයන් චැපල් ෙග් පුකාශය සමිබන්ධෙයන් කල කරැණු විමසිමකදි මා හා සදහන් කර සිටින ලදි.
ඔස්ෙටුිලියාව සහ ශුි ලංකාව අතර තරගය පැවැත්ෙවමින් තිෙබන ෙමාෙහාෙත්දි කුිඩා පිටියට කඩා වැදුනු පුද්ගලෙයකු එල්.ටි.ටි.ඊ.ධජයද අත තබා ෙගන පිටිය මැදට දිව අා අතර ,ඔහුව එම ෙමාෙහාෙත්දිම අාරක්ෂක අංශ විසින් අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නා ලදි.පසුව කල ෙසා්දිසියකදි ඔහු ලග තිබි අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනය විසින් නිකුත් කල සුදු පැහැගත් කුිකටි පන්දුවද විය.
ෙමි අකාරයට ශුි ලංකානු කුිකටි කණ්ඩායමට එෙරහිව ජාතයන්තර වශෙයන් ෙගන යන විෙරා්ධතාවයට ෙහ්තුව කුමක්ද?යන්න පිළිබද ෙසායා බැලිම වටින්ෙන්ය.9 වන ෙලා්ක කුසලාන තරගාවලිෙය් අවසන් වටය සදහා තරග වැෙදන කණ්ඩායමි ෙදක වශෙයන් ඔස්ෙටුිලියාව සහ ශුි ලංකාව ෙලස කුිකටි විස්තර විචාරකයින් දැනටමත් අනාවැකි පලකරන අතර , ඔස්ෙටුිලියානු කණ්ඩායම තමන්ට මුහුණ දිමට සිදුවන ශුි ලංකානු කණ්ඩායම ෙකෙරහි දක්නවන බිය නිසා ෙමවැනි අකාරයට නිවට නියාලු පුහාරයන් එල්ල කිරිමට ඔස්ෙටුිලියානු හිතවාදින කටයුතු කිරිමට පටන් ෙගන අැත.
ෙමවැනි අකාරයට කටයුතු සිදු ෙවමින් පවතින ෙමාෙහාතකදි , ෙමම සියලු කරැණු තුල ගැබිවි අැත්ෙත් ශුි ලංකානු කණිඩායම මානසිකව පිඩාවට පත් කිරිමය.ශුි ලංකිකයන් වශෙයන් ෙමවැනි ෙද් පීළිබදව මාෙග් හැගිම නමි ඉතා පිළිකුල් සහගත බවයි.ශුි ලංකානු කුිකටි පිෙල් සිටලුම ජාතිකයින්ට කුිඩා කිරිමට අවස්ථාව ලබා දි තිබිම සතය වශෙයන්ම උසස් කුියාවක් වන බව මාෙග් මතයයි.1996 වර්ෂෙය්දි ෙලා්ක කුසලානය දිනා ගත් ෙමාෙහාෙත්දි එ් පිළිබදව සතුටු උෙන් සිංහල ජාතිකයින් පමනක් ෙනාෙවි සමස්ත සීංහල.දමිල,මුස්ලිමි ලක් වැසියන් එදා සතුටු වු අාකාරය අදෙමන් මෙග් මතකයට නැෙගන්ෙන් නිරාසෙයනි.අද අප කණ්ඩායෙමි මුරලිදරන්,මහරෑෆ් වැනි කිුඩකයින් කුිඩා කරන්ෙන් සියලු ලක් වැසියන්ෙග් අාශිර්වාදයත් සමගය.මානව හිමිකමි ගැන කතා කරන අැමිෙනස්ටි අායතනය නිෙයා්ජනය කරන රටවල කුිකටි කණ්ඩායමි තුල කලු ජාතික කුිඩකෙයකුට කුිඩා කිරිමට අවස්ථාව උදා උෙන් ෙමි මෑත භාගෙය්දි විම විෙශ්ය. විෙශ්ෂෙයන්ම එංගලන්තය වැනි රටක කුිකටි කණ්ඩායම සදහා කලු ජාතිකෙයක්ට කුිඩා කිරිමට අවස්ථාව උදා වුෙය් 2001 වර්ෂෙය්දිය.දකුණු අපුිකානු කණ්ඩායමටද අැත්ෙත් ෙමවැනි ඉතිහාසයකි.කුිඩාවක් යනු එක් ජාතියකට ,එක් අාගමකට, නියමිත වු ශාරිරික වර්ණයකට හිමිකමි කියනු ලබන ෙදයක් ෙනාවන අතර,කුිඩාවක් යනු මිතු දමත්,සමගිය සහ සාමය අැති කරනු ලබන කුියාවලිෙයකි.නමුත් ෙමවැනි උසස් කුියාවක් ෙවනුෙවන් වර්ථමානෙය්දි කුියා කරනු ලබන අාකාරය පතා පහත් නින්දාවක් බව මාෙග් මතයයි.ඉතා ඉක්මනින් ෙමවැනි කටයුතු වලින් අෑත්වනවානමි එය කුිඩාවට කරනු ලබන ගරැකිරිමක්බව මාෙග් මතයයි.
කුිඩාවක නියම අර්ථය ෙනාදන්නා ෙමවන් සුලු පිරිසක් ඉදිරිෙය් තමන්ෙග් නියම දක්ෂතාවයන් ෙපන්වා , ෙමවර ෙලා්ක කුසලානය දිනා ගනිමින් එ් සදහා අවශය පිළිතුරැ පුතිවාදින්ට ලබා දිමට ශුි ලංකානු කුිකටි කණ්ඩායමට අවශය ශක්තිය ෙෙධර්ය ලැෙබිවා ! යන්න අප ඉත සිතින් පාුර්ථනා කරන්ෙනමු.

• නැගනහිර යූද්ධය තූල තනීවූ සාමෙය් නගරය.
• யார் தான் நல்லவர்கள்?
• යාපනෙය්දි මිනිසත් බව දුටිමි

In the wake of numerous interpretations and reinterpretation of the present political situation as a result of the recent crossover by the political elites, the authors of this article attempt to discuss how citizens perceive the crossover. The results of the latest poll, that was conducted by Social Indicator – Centre for Policy Alternatives are used to discuss the public views in this article. This survey was conducted amongst 1300 individuals residing in 17 districts using the interview technique. It should be noted that this survey was conducted Islandwide with the exception of the North & East and therefore does not capture the opinion of the Sri Lankan Tamil community.

Who’s hurt the most: UNPers or JVPers
Despite the justifying rationales put forward by the MPs who have crossed over, the present political accusations and counter accusations indicate that the crossover has hurt many parties who lost their MPs as well as who lost their political positions. If we were to look at the UNP itself, it lost a group of heavy weights including its deputy leader as a result of the recent crossover. Also it led the opposition leader Mr. Wickramasinghe to a new battle in order to retain the opposition leadership from the JVP; a party that has shown a remarkable capacity in mobilizing the masses against any ruling party. The present government too, is faced with issues resulting from the crossover. President Rajapakse’s main electoral ally, the JVP, permanently walked into the opposition while vowing to topple the Government, accusing the government of going against the electoral mandate, it received in November 2005. Not only that, but this parliamentarian exodus triggered a battle between the president and the two ministers, Mr. Mangala Samaraweera and Mr. Sripathi Suriarachchi, who have done tremendous work in bringing President Mahinda Rajapakse into office. On one hand the crossovers shook the status quo of the government while on the other hand it annulled the memorandum of understanding signed between the SLFP and the UNP even before its ink dried up. In addition, this disappointed the groups who were optimistic and overjoyed about the rare opportunity of a southern consensus.

The disapproval of the crossover is highest amongst the JVP loyalists – 68% disapprove while 15% approve of it. Perhaps this could be a reflection of the feeling of humiliation that they are undergoing after the SLFP sidelined them ignoring the crucial role they performed at the elections. Amongst the UNPers, only 48% disapprove of its own party members crossing to the SLFP while 34% of them could not decide whether to approve or disapprove of it. However, 18% of the UNPers approve the crossover. While on one hand this reflects the frustration of the UNPers with their leadership on the party reforms, on the other hand this is a clear indication of the confused status of the UNPers in the aftermath of losing a group of the most senior members of the party. Interestingly, this survey does not indicate that the SLFPers are over-jubilant about the newly captured elephant herd. This is apparent as only 50% of them approve of the crossover while 30% disapprove.

Crossover for Democracy or Vise Versa:
In the present electoral system, more primacy has been given to the parties than to the MPs. When selecting candidates for an election, most members are at the mercy of the party leaders. Even after being elected to the parliament, MPs will have to support the party decision rather than acting on their conscience. In this context, MPs do not have much option other than crossing over to another party that allows them to voice the concerns of their communities or adhere to one’s conscience. Therefore, MPs crossing over to another party can be considered as an expression of democracy that one may want to practice. This was not the first time where MPs crossed over to another party in the parliament and neither, we suppose, the last time. However, when analyzing the history of crossing over, usually it has been the opposition MPs who crossover to the ruling party instead of otherwise. Some get cabinet portfolios with other privileges while others allegedly receive huge sums of money. Therefore, it is very difficult to decide whether it is principle or perks that matter when deciding to crossover.

It is interesting see on what grounds people have approved or disapproved of the recent MP drain from the opposition to the ruling party. Amongst the people who approve of the recent crossover, 50% think that the move strengthens the Government and the President while 24% think that it would help the Government’s present war with the LTTE. Only 6% approve of the crossover on the basis that it is an expression of democracy. Interestingly, more SLFP loyalists than UNP loyalists approve of the recent crossover as it strengthens the Government and the president. Nevertheless, even for UNPers who support the crossover, the main reason for their approval is that it strengthens the Government and the president.

Amongst the people who disapprove of the recent crossover, 46% disapprove on the basis that it adds a bigger burden to the public due to the the increased number of ministerial posts. However, 9% disapprove on the basis that it damages democracy while 7% and 6% reject the crossover as it goes against the ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya’ and as it will lead to the abrogation of the SLFP- UNP MOU, respectively. It is interesting to see the varying reasons on which different party loyalists disapprove of the recent crossover. The primary reason for the SLFP and UNP loyalists to disapprove of the crossover is the fact that this will become a bigger burden for the already suffering Sri Lankans. However, JVP loyalists who disapprove of the crossover seem to have two main arguments. They think this is a clear violation of the ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya’ that they successfully advocated during the presidential elections and that the large number of present ministerial posts would (will?) increase the burden on the citizens. 29% of JVPers see the recent crossover as against the ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya’, while only 9% of SLFPers think that way.

Hence, when looking at the rationales for approvals and disapprovals, it seems that it is based on three arguments, namely forming a national government, waste of public funds and betraying the mandate received for the ‘Mahinda Chinthanaya’. According to Mr. Karu Jayasuriya, his motive of crossing over was the dire need to join the two main parties in the South, in order to solve the ethnic conflict and establish good governance. When analyzing the (often vague) interviews of President Rajapakse in the wake of the crossover, it seems that both the President and Mr. Jayasuriya are trying to voice that they have the same objectives. If it is the case we do not think anyone would disagree with such a noble objective. Nevertheless, unfortunately what we see in the government today does not reflect the stated objectives.

If the recent cross over means to assist the Government in solving the protracted ethnic conflict, then the Government must be keen on a negotiated settlement on the basis of a federal structure, because, the heavy weights of the reformists who crossed over were the individuals who led the UNP Government’s peace process that insisted on a solution within a federal united Sri Lanka. However, having had their cabinet portfolios, they have not yet shown any active engagement in such activities. Therefore, Minister Thissa Vitharana has to be engaged in a solo battle at the APRC, in bringing forward a constitutional transformation. Given the SLFP’s negative stand on the CFA and the passive commitment to constitutional arrangement, it is not clear what the role of UNP reformist is in transforming SLFPers to perceive for the federal solution that has been agreed in the Oslo Communique in 2003.

Given the wastage of public funds in maintaining the large number of ministries, which was the primary result of the crossover and the prevailing impunity that has high potential to worsen in months to come, do not show a rosy picture on good governance that Mr. Rajapakse and Mr. Jayasuriya are dreaming about. Therefore, the rationales given as the basis for the crossover are difficult for people to stomach.

However, it is undeniable that this recent crossover has made President Rajapakse stronger – a personage whose popularity is anyway on the boom in the context of the recent military victory in the East. Therefore, we believe President Rajapakse enjoys a stronger political position, empowering him to make drastic political decisions in order to solve the country’s ethnic conflict even if he is unable to clean the office of corrupt officials and politicians.

Therefore, in next few months public can witness the real impact of the cross over on the Sri Lankan society and how distance the reality from the claimed motives of the UNP reformists.

Authors:
Pradeep Peiris and Rangani Ranasinghe are researchers of the Social Indicator, the survey research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives.

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