The unwritten revelations of Sarath Fonseka’s letter requesting retirement from service
After weeks of media speculation on the prospective “Common Candidate”, to every one’s relief, confirmed news about General Sarath Fonseka’s decision to retire from military service with effect from 01st December, 2009, came on 12th Thursday afternoon. It would in reality mean his retirement from the extended service in the army. Yet it is also taken as his retirement from his new post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), as well.
Those who respected him as a “Sinhala hero” for defeating the LTTE and Prabhakaran, probably sighed in relief, that his retirement, was accepted by the President without any fuss and hesitation. For those who want him as the next President and to contest as the “common candidate” but feared he would be holed in by the President in denying his release from service, were also relieved, when it was clear the President would not stoop that low.
Then came the letter itself by Friday afternoon, accompanied by an annexure “A”. The letter was titled “Request to retire from the regular service from the army”. The 16 point annexure “A” was titled, “Factors affecting my retirement from the Regular force of the army”.
In normal circumstances, any retirement is based on reaching the maximum age approved for service and in special cases come the issue of health. Both those reasons don’t necessitate a special annexure to the letter requesting retirement, titled “Factors affecting my retirement from ……..”. Therefore, General Fonseka’s letter of retirement along with this “annexure A” is special and certainly deserves public scrutiny.
The most glaring info any one could have from even the first brief glance of General Fonseka’s letter, is that his only reason for this hasty retirement is a “very personal power feud” between the two most powerful “Rajapaksa brothers” and him. It had evolved, according to the letter, immediately after the war was declared over.
Listed as number “4” in his letter, he says, “Considering the facts mentioned in the Annex and more, which I am privy to withhold, I am compelled to believe that Your Excellency and the Government has lost your trust and faith bestowed upon me for reasons best known to Your Excellency.” Thus we are told, the Annexure “A” by itself does not reveal all things that had gone into his decision. Thereafter he says, “Hence as the senior most serving military officer in the Country with 40 years of service, such a situation does not warrant a continuation of my duties any longer,….” Therefore his request, to be permitted to terminate his services and retire from 1st December 2009.
While there are other reasons the General is “privy to withhold” (from the public ?) the most important reasons to assume, President Rajapaksa and Defence Secretary Gotabhaya R had in fact been certain, they don’t need the General any more after the war, are included in his annexure “A”, quite in detail.
Numbered as ‘6’ in the annexure, he says [quote] Your Excellency, you too made a statement at the very first security council soon after the 18 May, 2009 when the battle was declared over, that “no further recruitment was necessary” and “a strong public opinion is in the making, stating that the country is in possession of a too powerful army…..” [unquote]
The General says, or rather subtly accuses the President, for making the same statement, even after the General handed over the command of the army. Explaining this statement by the President at the Security Council, the General assumes, [quote] I personally felt that Your Excellency has commenced mistrusting your own loyal Army which attained the unimaginable victory just a week ago [unquote]
The General goes on to say that the Defence Secretary “was bold enough” to state in a service commanders’ meeting that it would be dangerous if, “operational control of all three services is granted to the CDS” (No. 5 in annexure) after General Fonseka was appointed to the post of CDS.
What does all these statements adduced to the two most politically powerful Rajapaksas in this country, mean between lines, if not directly ? The war had allowed the growth of a powerful large army, and as General Fonseka claims, it was with his (General Fonseka’s) “vision, command and leadership that this yeomen task was achieved.” Thus, the “loyalty of the Sri Lanka Army towards me (the General) as its past Commander who led the Army to the historic victory.” (No. 8 in the annexure) left no command access even to the vociferous Secretary Defence.
On the flip side of this understatement(s) by the General and not touched upon by him, is the fact that all during the war period, which he says stretched to 03 years and 07 months, he was also allowed to project himself as a political leader of the war. Or, he was powerful enough to play a political role, that the Head of State and the Defence Secretary could not stop him from, while the war was being waged.
His political statements to the media, both locally and internationally, were never contradicted by the political leaders of this regime. The political role General Fonseka played during that heady period, narrowed the gap between the Executive power which is a civil power and the defence establishment. Most political decisions interpreted in terms of “security” that effected civil life drastically, was certainly influenced by the defence establishment and General Fonseka was there as its head. He cannot therefore claim he has an unstained, clean pair of hands.
The unwritten statement(s) in this ‘two part’ retirement request is that the General who was himself a political (Sinhala) ideologist too, did want to continue in command at the head of this powerful army which he was also instrumental in instilling with a Sinhala Buddhist ideology by all his public statements. He wanted continued command with increased numbers too.
That is why General Fonseka was disturbed when President Rajapaksa decided, that “no further recruitment was necessary” after the war was victoriously concluded. That is also why General Fonseka says, he “was mislead on the authority vested with the CDS.”
He wanted “more command responsibilities and authority than earlier” and he thought he was going to have such powers as the CDS. So he laments, he was mislead and complaints, with his appointment as CDS, he was served with “a letter by the Strategic Affairs Adviser to the Secretary Defence indicated that my appointment was purely to coordinate the services and not that of overall command.” (No. 4 in annexure)
What more. He notes quite frankly, “Such actions clearly defines Your Excellency’s and the government’s unwillingness to grant me with command responsibilities…” The rest of the annexure is used in providing reasons to the claim(s) the General makes about the decline of professionalism in the army, after he was moved out of command responsibility.
Such a mindset with a will to further increase numbers in thousands, as we have heard, perhaps made the Rajapaksa regime paranoid about their own status in power. An insecurity the Head of State would have felt and perhaps the reason to hastily move the General out into a senior position, with a ceremonial flavour than with command responsibility.
Whether moving General SF out of overall command so fast is right or wrong, the fact remains, he was passionate about being in overall Command of the army for a longer period than he was allowed. Thus the issue now is whether the UNF and its allies are willing to hand over the all powerful Executive Presidency that could even move out a battle hardened, 40 year serviceman, to such a power loving, power needy General.
This UNF and its allies are gelled together on the singularly hyped slogan of abolishing the powerful presidency. This presidency had been promised to be done away with, during all elections since 1994 August. Promised by civilians who aspired to the presidency, who thereafter forgot they had promised so. Promised by political leaders who had a social binding to the people, more direct than any other, who had only been trained and disciplined to wield regimented power.
Thus all the pious talk that would hereafter ensue by one who has quite a heavy load of dirty and smelly baggage, will be within the regimented discipline of wielding absolute power.
Everything else that has suddenly popped up including that of the “plight of the IDPs” as a “point of great concern” and the sentence included in the annexure that they should be allowed to stay with their friends and relatives till de-mining is complete, though high sounding, would be within his very consistent Sinhala-Buddhist ideology of believing that Sri Lanka belongs to the 75% Sinhalese and that minorities “can live in this country with us. But they must not try to, under the pretext of being a minority, demand undue things”. (Canadian National Post – 23 September 2008). What is undue for these Tamil IDPs of course, would thus be decided by this Sinhala regimented mindset.
Therefore this country can never ever have any guarantee of a return to better democratic and inclusive, civilian life from one who tenders his resignation solely because the power he wanted was not afforded to him. From one who had never been experiencing democratic traditions in decision making and implementing and lived a ‘Musharaffian’ life.
Where this country would thus be led by the Opposition UNF and its allies, will therefore be far chilling and dangerous than by any corrupt, politically insincere, nepotistic Sinhala Don Quixote.
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No one in their right mind will relinquish this powerful Presidency. SF wanted to remain both head of Army and CDS with new powers. MR was correct in denying that request. What he should have done is to let SF be commander till the 60th anniversary was over and then retire him upstairs. SF made a power grab. Ranil is playing with fire.
Does anyone know what language was the official letter of resignation written?
PS:
I am very appreciative of this blog. A big Thank you do the blog administrators.
President Mahinda Rajapakse should call general elections first. Leave General Fonseka to know his popularity in a District and create manape problems in the Alliance – to know political difficulties and risks. He would be elected to Parliament, an ordinary MP with little security. He would also then realise the dificulties of electioneering – a far cry from the command of non democratic traditions ( as should be) in the Army. Mahinda Rajapakse would still be President and he would be bought over from the other side, given an inconsequential Ministership and all his valour and past would be forgotten. Only so much for his valour? He is blind in politics – so where is the vision? The General would then leave for the USA and all will be forgotten in sad retirement. The JVP would be an also ran at the general election. If the JVP joins the UNAlliance -no worthy Sinhalese would vote for them. This would all augur well for Sri Lanka. We would prosper.
Its a crazy situation. and if i may be as bold as to speculate, this has a lot to do with our foreign policy and who has the most to gain with the UNP coming into power. The US has lost its leeway and China has made major inroads. It is taken for granted internationally that Hambanthota is really a Chinese naval base, part of the Chinese ‘string of pearls’ strategy to strengthen its military presence for ‘logistical reasons’ in the region.
Getting the UNP to field General SF is a tactic to get someone friendlier to the West into the seat. He is the basic caricature the president in terms of his nationalistic view, so the hardline and not so hardline (but unvariable) supporters of the same wave of national pride will not be deterred at the elections.
We’re fooling ourselves if we actually think that the general is going to abolish the executive presidency if he comes into power. Or he might, and install some new form of militarily oriented rule; using his power in the army. The UNP is also basically selling its soul here. if it ever had one that is. Instead of competing mainly on economic lines as a capitalist party as they usually do they are diluting their brand promise by going on this desperate power grab. Ranil must step down. and the UNP must get their ducks in a row and some sense into their heads. ‘Playing with fire’ may be right; we may be heading for chaos without even knowing it.
Suhith:
it was in English as far as srilanken news papers revealed it all these days.
Roger Francis:
Yes, MR was correct in that regard. I would never think that masses in sl may ever want a millitary leader to govern the country. Many of us dont wish lanka to be called little Pakistan in the near future. What kinds of political background has SF gained to become the head of state for a country that has democratic ruling mechanisms for sucha long time. Perhaps people could easily get manipulated by UNP leader who is now trying to make use of the situation. No doubt, SF deserves the highest respect in terms of elemination of LTTE terrorism within SL but, never forget, under the political leadership of M + SLGO. And also agree with that SF has been the great AC in the lanken defence system. He sacrificed his life for such a long time. But many in sl would not like srilanka to become Pakistan another african state for the region. How can he ever feel to work for the nation as a politial leader, if he is in the opinion – this country for only sinhalese ? I am also a sinhalese, not a MR sympathiser but a srilanken lover while being away from sl for ages.
Kusal has done a splendid piece of exposition of the intents and motives of SF and those ganging up behind him..Hope Mano Ganeshan and others will take heed of all those points and not delude themselves into into aligning with the UNP in the believe that SF would abolish the Executive Presidency and after that milk and honey would flow in Lanka.. On the contrary he would if elected stick on like a limpet to that post and that would evoke serious consequences for the South Asian region. Already the island is on a slippery slope to becoming another Mayanmar and supporting the former CDS would only hasten that process if he becomes President.
Suhith:
The official letter sent to the President is in English.
Comments:
It was not soon, but IMMEDIATELY after the war with the LTTE was over, the NSA of India flew over to SL. Speculations were rife then that it was about the IDPs and the Tamils question but the main agenda was Sarath Fonseka (SF).
A cardinal principle for a professional in army outfit is to refrain from politics. SF very often crossed this boundary. His infamous interview with the Canadian newsmedia and his comments on a number of politicians and politicsl lacked the discipline of an army officer of his standing. Then again, he has also been shooting through his mouth, like that when he talked about shooting dead LTTEs that surrendered waving white flags. It is not that the Rajapaksa (RP) regime was not blameworthy – not only it nurtured the “out-of-context” general to proscribe the war, it also savoured the military adventure and also made a very dangerous move by dispensing the lines drawn between such military adventures and politics. In fact, all recent elections were won through this blatant propagation. You can’t have it both ways.
There were widespread concerns – why would a general announce that he would like to recruit more soldiers after the war? It had, as it now appears, created panic with the phobia-stricken RP regime. While the general’s logic may lie on the premise that more soldiers would be needed to protect and safeguard than when waging a war, many had sounded the alarm at the general’s comments. He boasted of the military strength of SL. Some even thought that he was indicating indirectly to India not to “mess” around, not realising that it will take India only days to bomb to pulp SL. What is happening in SL will always feature in India’s radar forever and has been openly admitted by MR, SL fought India’s war with the LTTE.
For a general who had not minced his words about the minorities, in a negative way, talking of the welfare of the IDPs and concerns of the rights of the Tamils now has got to do with politics.
Now that SF has decided to discard the uniform, my take is that the impending match between SF and MR is a good one – one that bodes well for democracy. With no others of the stature of SF to take on the President who is riding high after the war, it would be good though that they slug it out. The eerie similarity of his (MR) first election scenario seems to be playing out – the split among the Sinhala votes, the denial of the Tamil votes are all too uncannily similar. Of course, MR is poised to win but not as smoothly and not with the “riding-high” position he had envisaged. He will, in fact, be badly bruised with his ego dented and perhaps learn a lesson that in a country like SL second chances are hard to come by as Ranil Wickramasinghe had painfully found out.
Why the assumption, including on the part of the public, that political power is the natural prerogative of the ‘war-hero’?? There’s no difference between MR and SF ideologically and politically: they’re both chauvinists paying lip-service to democratic and humanitarian values.
Suhith, we believe the letter was sent in English.
NP:
Yes, you are absolutely right on both of them. That is the irony of it all – whereas they stood on the same side once to display the raw chauvinism and hypocrisy, now they stand opposite each other with “blazing guns” pointed at each other. Imagine the worry and restlessness of the Rajapaksa brothers, particularly Gotabay, when Fonseka was in the US.
I would go as far as saying that MR, for the first time since he pursued the war option, stands to lose the presidency. The moment the war was over, he should have moved fast to resettle the IDPs, instead of giving lame excuses, offer the Tamils a reasonable space that would have accelerated the pace of FDIs into the country. He will live to regret his failure to capitalise on ending the war successfully. If SF does jump into the foray, the deciding votes could be most probably the minorities, particularly the Tamils. In the same way he enticed the LTTE not to partake in the elections, which incidentally paved the way for his election, he is now seeking the favours of the TNA, but I doubt most Tamils up North would want to have anything to do with him, even if it means to throw the support to SF.
What an irony indeed!!
Why has it become a problem to some that General Fonseka might stand for Presidency. Any man or woman belonging to any ethnic nationality, Sinhalese, Tamil,Muslim or Burgher should have the freedom and the right to stand for Presidency or for parliament, if Sri Lanka is a true democracy.
Sri Lankans are known to be a very intelligent and a clever group of people world over. Let us place our trust on the intergrity of freedom loving Sri Lankans to elect whom they think is worthy of uniting and taking Sri Lanka forward to a new era, free from corruption, evil and thuggery for which Sri Lanka is now fast gaining a reputation world wide.
What S/L needs is diciplined politicians who have the guts and the courage to bring law and order to a very corrupt nation. Both MR and SF are people who have won the hearts of many Sri Lankans. While SF has played a significant role in defeating terrorism, by training and leading a disciplined army, MR has yet to prove himself as a disciplined President who can bring law and order to a country, where majority of the people are living in fear of a corrupt police force and an intimidating underworld supported by politicians.
Unless MR takes drastic measures to give a free hand to the judiciary and the courts to bring the thugs and murderers, who are operating behind powerful politicians, to justice, most intelligent Sri Lankans will turn to anybody who can assure them of the freedom to live without fear and harassment.
On the other hand if SF is a true patriotic who truly cares about his country and is genuine about bringing law and order to our nation, he should not form any alliance with any opposition party but stand as an independent candidate.
Indi